The plan was to keep the two top leaders of the mainstream political parties out of the country and out of politics, so that inner-party democracy could be practiced by "honest and competent" politicians lacking money or muscle power, and they could get a chance to save mainstream politics from dynastic spells.

   Apparently the mandate of that plan by an undeclared application of the doctrine of necessity, in the promulgation of state of emergency by President Dr. Iajuddin Ahmed, was spelled out (presumably introduced by the President's military advisers) as the necessity to enforce "honest democratic practice" by political parties preparatory to "free, fair and credible" general election. Emergency provisions were to be used to protect public order and smooth economic activity, and to suppress corruption, criminalisation and terror tactics at all levels. The undeclared principle of state necessity was understood to be prolonged conditions of "absoluteness, extremeness and imminence" of threat faced by the People's Republic, in which minor departures from constitutional compulsions (like postponement of general election by nearly two years beyond the stipulated time limit of ninety days) were validated by discretionary or residuary powers of the President and, as defined by Lord Mansfield, any act "which would otherwise be illegal becomes legal if it is done bona fide under the stress of necessity, the necessity being referable to an intention to preserve the constitution, the state or the society and to prevent it from dissolution."

   The "minus-two" plan appears to have been a covert supplement of the overt actions of the caretaker government with military-led anti-corruption and anti-terror joint operations under the Co-ordination Committee of Task Forces. It was never officially acknowledged, and was reportedly mixing private persuasion with circumstantial pressures on the two former Prime Ministers, and rival leaders of multiparty alliances, to leave the country and stay out so that their respective party reorganisation and nomination of genuine candidates for general election by constituency choice could take place without the shackles of "dynastic allegiance." The motive force behind the "demi-official" plan was propounded by the army chief, Lt. General Moeen U. Ahmed in a regional conference of Political Science Association on April 2.

   He said, "We have to read the resolute character of Bangladeshi people that enabled us to overcome the perpetuation of dynastic rule for a transparent and accountable Bangladesh. I must express, Bangladesh has chosen its freedom by its own choice and its history of 36 years reflects that it has been successful in dealing with any unholy alliance against its citizens.

   "Development politics and democracy must take into account the need and requirement of a particular country. We cannot copy, we must deliberate and reinvent our own style in the light of our social dynamics and economic potential. We do not want to go back to an 'elective democracy' where corruption in society becomes all pervasive, governance suffers in terms of insecurity and violation of rights, and where political 'criminalisation' threatens the very survival and integrity of the State."

   The listening posts of the military-backed Caretaker Government detected uneasy murmurs in opinionated quarters that military leaders were talking on political issues whereas political leaders were restrained from talking politics. Indeed the army chief was not talking about politics, but about concert of democracy as a weapon for both national and international security in complex conditions of globalisation of markets and global war on terror, in which we must take into account our country peculiarities of socio-economic and security risks to evolve our own system of secure democracy.

   The Advisers of the Caretaker Government were thereafter careful to talk less about leadership and more about political party reforms. But the issue crept into low-key opinion-building initiatives in some seminars, television talk shows and in newspaper correspondence. The "minus-two" plan reportedly took the form of rigorous persuasion in case of Sheikh Hasina, who talked to two Advisers of the Caretaker Government before she left for the United States, and coercive persuasion in case of Begum Khaleda Zia, who also yielded to suggestions that she should leave with members of her family for Saudi Arabia, after her younger son Arafat Rahman was arrested for questioning by Task Forces, and released 24 hours later. Her elder son Tareque Rahman was already in jail and implicated in several cases of criminal extortion.

   But the plan started faltering when external geo-political actors in the region appeared to have stepped in, and complications arose over the visa application of Begum Khaleda Zia. The Saudi embassy reportedly indicated that Khaleda's visa would only be issued if she appeared at the embassy in person to testify that she was really willing to leave.

   Another Arab country reportedly declined to issue visa to the BNP chairperson as the High Court was yet to dispose of a petition over alleged confinement of the former prime minister in her house.

   "The embassy of an Arab country issued visa against 13 passports (of her family member), excepting the one of Khaleda Zia," a government official said. "The embassy said they are unable to issue her visa as the court is yet to rule on the (habeas corpus) petition."

   The High Court on April 22 issued a rule on the government to explain within five days whether Khaleda was detained or confined in her cantonment residence.

   In the United States, on the other hand, Sheikh Hasina started accusing the Caretaker Government of procrastination over preparations for general election, and claimed credit for putting Chief Adviser Fakhruddin Ahmed's government in the seat of power, pushing out the previous caretaker government led by the President himself, by sustained and violent street movement. Whether stung by such remarks or not, the Caretaker Government snapped a ban on Sheikh Hasina's return to Bangladesh, treating her as a danger to civic order, citing her incitement to violence in siege actions that led to the proclamation of emergency and apprehensions of her continued inflammatory pronouncements if she came back at this time. Sheikh Hasina raised a hue and cry with expatriate supporters of her party, and took the issue to Senators and Congressmen in the U.S.A., and to Members of the House of Commons and the House of Lords in the U.K. When she was refused boarding card on April 22 by British Airways on account of the ban imposed by the government of Bangladesh and under advice given by the U.K. government to abide by the ban, the matter made international headlines in major world news networks and TV channels. The story of "banishment before trial" of the two former Prime Ministers was covered by 151 major newspapers in 41 countries.

   The military-backed Caretaker Government in Bangladesh decided to make a tactical retreat, and limit its reaches within home grounds to fend off interference by external geostrategic actors.

   A home ministry press note on April 25 night said, "The government issued a press note as a special security measure and in the people's interest on April 18, 2007 in light of recent comments and activities of Awami League President Sheikh Hasina and her concerns for personal safety.

   "It was clearly stated in the mentioned home ministry press note that the measure was temporary. But, in light of opinions expressed in the media and in different quarters on the matter, the government has decided to withdraw the measure."

   Hasina told a private television channel that she will be returning home as soon as possible.

   In a separate home ministry press note at the same time on Khaleda, the government said, "It has come to the government's attention that a number of news mediums recently have been publishing speculative news and opinions regarding BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia going overseas and her freedom of movement.

   "The government's clear statement in this regard is that the government has never pressured and is not pressuring Khaleda Zia regarding overseas trips or for leaving the country. "The government also did not impose any restriction on her movement."

   Law Adviser Mainul Hosein told reporters, "It does not really matter to this government whether they [Khaleda and Hasina] are in the country or not."

   "If there are allegations of corruption against them, they will be prosecuted."

   Ahead of the press notes, on April 25, the Bangladesh Bank asked all commercial banks to provide all banking information of Khaleda and Hasina.

   Meanwhile the BNP Chairperson, who was suffering from different health complications was improving under treatment of Brig. Gen. (Retd) Mahtab Uddin Ahmed. The charge d' affaires of the Saudi Embassy came to meet her and discuss her proposed visit to Saudi Arabia. The envoy had "one-to-one meeting where the matter of her visit to Saudi Arabia came up." Reportedly, Khaleda told the diplomat that she would go to Makkah at her convenient time to perform Umrah. "Bangladesh's relationship with Saudi Arabia is excellent. I have visited Saudi Arabia many times at the invitation of the Saudi king to perform Umrah," Khaleda was quoted to have told the Saudi Embassy charge d' affaires.

   So far, the "minus-two "plan appears to have achieved partial success. Matters of collective decision-making and limiting power and tenure of party leaders as well as government old guards have already been publicly proclaimed as issues for inner-party debate by leaders like Mayor Sadek Hossain Khoka of BNP and Presidium member Suranjit Sengupta of the Awami League. But the message has also gone out to "dynastic" loyalists and "crony" capitalists in both camps that there may be room for them to play, and the teeth of the military-backed Caretaker Government may be too slow to bite.

Sadeq Khan, Weekly Holiday